Interview

Martha Giraldo: "Victims of State Crimes in Colombia Have Been Forced into Oblivion and Impunity"

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    Martha Giraldo and Adriel José Ruiz Galván have made a stop in Catalonia as part of their tour.
    Martha Giraldo and Adriel José Ruiz Galván have made a stop in Catalonia as part of their tour. Source: Taula Catalana per la Pau i els Drets Humans a Colòmbia.
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    Colombian human rights defenders strive to intensify the search for missing persons.
    Colombian human rights defenders strive to intensify the search for missing persons. Source: Taula Catalana per la Pau i els Drets Humans a Colòmbia.

We discuss the difficult situation in Colombia with the secretary of Movice, the movement of victims of state crimes, who has visited Barcelona as part of a European tour.

Colombia is experiencing one of the most turbulent moments in its recent history, with the spiral of violence unleashed in the Catatumbo region, where clashes between armed groups have led to a true humanitarian crisis, with dozens of deaths and nearly fifty thousand displaced people. This violence also seriously threatens President Gustavo Petro's plans to achieve "total peace" in the country.

 

Coinciding with this new escalation of violence, Switzerland hosted the first World Congress on Enforced Disappearances, where the situation in Colombia was a major focus.

 

Two of the country’s representatives and human rights defenders who attended the event were Adriel José Ruiz Galván and Martha Giraldo. They also visited Catalonia, invited by the Maloka Collective—with the support of the Taula Catalana per la Pau i els Drets Humans a Colòmbia—to raise awareness and denounce the situation of the victims of Colombia’s armed conflict, nine years after the signing of the Peace Agreement.

 

Xarxanet spoke with Martha Giraldo, secretary of the National Movement of Victims of State Crimes (Movice), about her fight for truth and justice for victims of crimes committed by the state. We discuss her personal journey, the escalation of violence in Catatumbo, and its implications for the pursuit of peace in the country.

 

How has your visit to Catalonia and the European tour been?

 

Very good. For us, these kinds of tours are important in helping achieve our goal: developing mechanisms for truth, justice, and the search for disappeared persons, always in an assertive way for the families of the victims. We understand that part of this struggle also involves speaking with international actors who are highly engaged with Colombia, who have contacts and influence within the country’s institutions, and who, therefore, can amplify the voices of victims and their families.

 

A key space in this regard is the World Congress on Enforced Disappearances.

 

The main reason for our visit to Europe was to attend this congress organized by the United Nations in Switzerland on January 15 and 16. From there, we took the opportunity to meet with key actors. In Barcelona, for example, we met with the Table for Colombia, which supports the country and monitors human rights violations, and we visited the Parliament. We also met with the Catalan Agency for Development Cooperation, which helps develop all these justice mechanisms to generate peace in Colombia. This was our goal, and we believe we achieved it.

 

Let’s talk about your personal story as a victim of state crimes and your fight for human rights.

 

My father was murdered by the army in 2006 and was falsely presented as a guerrilla killed in combat. This is what is known as a "false positive." Since then, much of my family has been fully committed to seeking truth and justice, as well as denouncing these crimes, which, unfortunately, are not treated with the importance they deserve in Colombia.

 

This journey toward truth and justice has been long and arduous.

 

Eventually, we managed to get the ordinary justice system to convict the soldiers who killed my father. The first was sentenced in 2011, and the other seven in 2019. However, many of these crimes or executions remain in impunity. According to official data from the Attorney General’s Office, in Valle del Cauca, our department, 437 extrajudicial executions were committed. The majority—nearly 90%—remain completely unpunished.

 

Were extrajudicial executions by the state widespread in Colombia?

 

Of the thirty-two departments in Colombia, crimes as serious as these have been documented in twenty-nine. There are still twenty-two departments where this investigation has not been carried out. Furthermore, in many cases, soldiers who had already been convicted in court have been released. This is highly problematic, which is why we insist and will not give up on our work.

 

Murders like your father’s have been documented thanks to the work of the National Movement of Victims of State Crimes (Movice).

 

As a movement, we were founded in 2006, but since the 1970s and 1980s, there has been significant work by organizations and victims in this regard. We have carried out crucial documentation work to prove that these crimes happened and that the state is responsible for them. Movice was established in response to Law 975 on paramilitary demobilization, which was essentially a law of impunity. And time has proven us right.

 

Not all victims have been treated equally.

 

Victims of state crimes have been forced into oblivion and impunity. While historically, victims of other armed actors have been welcomed and protected by laws, victims of state crimes have not had their rights guaranteed.

 

This is an injustice that Movice has also sought to address.

 

Yes, we work on historical memory to rescue both individual and collective stories from oblivion while also fighting against denialism and the systematic, widespread sociopolitical violence that has affected civilians, social leaders, political movements, and human rights defenders—many of whom have had to go into exile.

 

It must not have been easy to stand up against an entire state…

 

It has been extremely difficult, and we have been put at risk many times, especially during Álvaro Uribe’s government, which was a very tough period. Many of us who have taken on leadership roles within Movice require protection measures. Nevertheless, we have always persisted. Under Petro’s presidency, the situation is calmer, but the fight for truth and the denunciation of state crimes remain a major challenge.

 

What risks does a human rights defender face in Colombia?

 

We have had to deal with many difficult situations related to armed groups and paramilitary structures, as well as all the crimes they have committed. On top of that, there are extremely high levels of social insecurity. All of this means that we must be extremely careful and accept many personal restrictions—in other words, we cannot lead a peaceful life.

 

How do you analyze the recent escalation of violence in Catatumbo?

 

It is a very complex, sad, and painful situation, especially because of its impact on advancing peace processes, dialogue, and the demobilization of armed groups. There are currently many armed groups in Colombia, and this is creating great uncertainty regarding victims’ rights and peacebuilding.

 

This is not the best context for moving toward peace.

 

Clearly not. It is important to emphasize that we are a country implementing peace agreements in an environment of war and multiple forms of violence for various reasons. This is extremely problematic. I believe the situation is concerning and difficult, and it has a significant impact on the lives of communities across the country.

 

Despite everything, do you still have hope that Colombia will achieve the "total peace" promised by President Petro?

 

Yes, of course. Our goal, our work, and the reason we denounce these crimes, defend life, and protect our territories is because we deeply hope and firmly believe that peace in Colombia is possible.

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